Wilsonových Čtrnáct bodů

It will be our wish and pur­pose that the pro­ces­ses of peace, when they are begun, shall be abso­lu­tely open and that they shall involve and per­mit hen­ce­forth no secret under­stan­dings of any kind. The day of conquest and aggran­di­ze­ment is gone by; so is also the day of secret cove­nants ente­red into in the inte­rest of par­ticu­lar gover­n­ments and likely at some unlo­o­ked-for moment to upset the peace of the world. It is this happy fact, now clear to the view of every pub­lic man whose thou­ghts do not still lin­ger in an age that is dead and gone, which makes it possi­ble for every nation whose pur­po­ses are con­si­s­tent with jus­tice and the peace of the world to avow nor or at any other time the objects it has in view.

We ente­red this war because vio­lati­ons of right had occurred which tou­ched us to the quick and made the life of our own peo­ple impossi­ble unless they were correc­ted and the world secure once for all aga­inst their recurrence. What we demand in this war, the­re­fore, is nothing pecu­liar to our­sel­ves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in; and par­ticu­larly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes to live its own life, deter­mine its own insti­tu­ti­ons, be assu­red of jus­tice and fair dea­ling by the other peo­ples of the world as aga­inst force and sel­fish aggres­sion. All the peo­ples of the world are in effect part­ners in this inte­rest, and for our own part we see very clearly that unless jus­tice be done to others it will not be done to us. The pro­gra­mme of the worl­d’s peace, the­re­fore, is our pro­gra­mme; and that pro­gra­mme, the only possi­ble pro­gra­mme, as we see it, is this:

I. Open cove­nants of peace, openly arri­ved at, after which there shall be no pri­vate inter­nati­o­nal under­stan­dings of any kind but diplo­macy shall pro­ceed always frankly and in the pub­lic view.

II. Abso­lute fre­e­dom of navi­gation upon the seas, out­side terri­to­rial waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be clo­sed in whole or in part by inter­nati­o­nal action for the enfor­ce­ment of inter­nati­o­nal covenants.

III. The remo­val, so far as possi­ble, of all eco­no­mic barriers and the estab­lishment of an equa­lity of trade con­di­ti­ons among all the nati­ons con­sen­ting to the peace and asso­ci­a­ting them­sel­ves for its maintenance.

IV. Adequate gua­ran­tees given and taken that nati­o­nal arma­ments will be redu­ced to the lowest point con­si­s­tent with domes­tic safety.

V. A free, open-min­ded, and abso­lu­tely impar­tial adjust­ment of all colo­nial claims, based upon a strict observance of the prin­ci­ple that in deter­mi­ning all such ques­ti­ons of sove­re­ignty the inte­rests of the popu­lati­ons con­cer­ned must have equal wei­ght with the equi­table claims of the gover­n­ment whose title is to be determined.

VI. The eva­cuation of all Rus­sian terri­tory and such a sett­le­ment of all ques­ti­ons affecting Rus­sia as will secure the best and fre­est coo­pe­ration of the other nati­ons of the world in obta­i­ning for her an unham­pe­red and unem­barras­sed oppor­tu­nity for the inde­pen­dent deter­mi­nation of her own poli­ti­cal deve­lo­p­ment and nati­o­nal policy and assure her of a sin­cere wel­come into the soci­ety of free nati­ons under insti­tu­ti­ons of her own cho­o­sing; and, more than a wel­come, assistance also of every kind that she may need and may her­self desire. The tre­at­ment accor­ded Rus­sia by her sis­ter nati­ons in the mon­ths to come will be the acid test of their good will, of their com­pre­hension of her needs as dis­tingu­ished from their own inte­rests, and of their intel­li­gent and unsel­fish sympathy.

VII. Bel­gium, the whole world will agree, must be eva­cua­ted and res­to­red, without any attempt to limit the sove­re­ignty which she enjoys in com­mon with all other free nati­ons. No other sin­gle act will serve as this will serve to res­tore con­fi­dence among the nati­ons in the laws which they have them­sel­ves set and deter­mi­ned for the gover­n­ment of their relati­ons with one ano­ther. Without this hea­ling act the whole structure and vali­dity of inter­nati­o­nal law is fore­ver impaired.

VIII. All French terri­tory should be freed and the inva­ded por­ti­ons res­to­red, and the wrong done to France by Prus­sia in 1871 in the mat­ter of Alsace-Lorra­ine, which has unsett­led the peace of the world for nearly fifty years, should be righ­ted, in order that peace may once more be made secure in the inte­rest of all.

IX. A read­just­ment of the fron­tiers of Italy should be effec­ted along clearly reco­gni­za­ble lines of nationality.

X. The peo­ples of Aus­tria-Hun­gary, whose place among the nati­ons we wish to see safe­gu­ar­ded and assu­red, should be accor­ded the fre­est oppor­tu­nity to auto­no­mous development.

XI. Ruma­nia, Ser­bia, and Mon­te­ne­gro should be eva­cua­ted; occu­pied terri­to­ries res­to­red; Ser­bia accor­ded free and secure access to the sea; and the relati­ons of the seve­ral Bal­kan sta­tes to one ano­ther deter­mi­ned by fri­en­dly coun­sel along his­to­ri­cally estab­lished lines of alle­gi­ance and nati­o­na­lity; and inter­nati­o­nal gua­ran­tees of the poli­ti­cal and eco­no­mic inde­pen­dence and terri­to­rial inte­grity of the seve­ral Bal­kan sta­tes should be ente­red into.

XII. The tur­kish por­tion of the pre­sent Otto­man Empire should be assu­red a secure sove­re­ignty, but the other nati­o­na­li­ties which are now under Tur­kish rule should be assu­red an undoub­ted secu­rity of life and an abso­lu­tely unmo­les­ted oppor­tu­nity of auto­no­mous deve­lo­p­ment, and the Dar­da­nelles should be per­ma­nently ope­ned as a free passage to the ships and com­merce of all nati­ons under inter­nati­o­nal guarantees.

XIII. An inde­pen­dent Polish state should be erec­ted which should include the terri­to­ries inha­bi­ted by indispu­tably Polish popu­lati­ons, which should be assu­red a free and secure access to the sea, and whose poli­ti­cal and eco­no­mic inde­pen­dence and terri­to­rial inte­grity should be gua­ran­teed by inter­nati­o­nal covenant.

XIV. A gene­ral asso­ci­ation of nati­ons must be for­med under spe­ci­fic cove­nants for the pur­pose of affor­ding mutual gua­ran­tees of poli­ti­cal inde­pen­dence and terri­to­rial inte­grity to great and small sta­tes alike.

In regard to these essen­tial recti­fi­cati­ons of wrong and asser­ti­ons of right we feel our­sel­ves to be inti­mate part­ners of all the gover­n­ments and peo­ples asso­ci­a­ted toge­ther aga­inst the Impe­ri­a­lists. We can­not be sepa­ra­ted in inte­rest or divi­ded in pur­pose. We stand toge­ther until the end.

For such arran­ge­ments and cove­nants we are wil­ling to fight and to con­ti­nue to fight until they are achie­ved; but only because we wish the right to pre­vail and desire a just and stable peace such as can be secu­red only by remo­ving the chief pro­vo­cati­ons to war, which this pro­gra­mme does remove. We have no jea­lousy of Ger­man gre­at­ness, and there is nothing in this pro­gra­mme that impairs it. We grudge her no achie­ve­ment or dis­tinction of lear­ning or of paci­fic enter­prise such as have made her record very bright and very envi­a­ble. We do not wish to injure her or to block in any way her legi­ti­mate influ­ence or power. We do not wish to fight her either with arms or with hos­tile arran­ge­ments of trade if she is wil­ling to asso­ci­ate her­self with us and the other peace- loving nati­ons of the world in cove­nants of jus­tice and law and fair dea­ling. We wish her only to accept a place of equa­lity among the peo­ples of the world, – the new world in which we now live, – instead of a place of mastery.

© 1997 - 2022, Václav Němec
Všechna práva vyhrazena
Design: StudioSCHNEIDER & Jakub Oubrecht